英語検定 1級(2025年第1回No.4)
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1-4 英語検定(1級) 筆記 2025年第1回(No.29~No.35) 各10点 × 7問 = 70点満点
次の英文を読み、(29)から(31)の各質問に最も適切なものを、1~4 の中から一つ選びなさい。   
 
Police Clearance Rates

 Every year in the United States, law enforcement agencies across the nation disclose
their crime clearance rates, statistics that are typically based on the proportion of cases
that have been solved through actions such as the arrest and prosecution of a suspect.
According to the FBI, around 90 percent of all homicides committed nationwide
were cleared in 1962, but today, the rate hovers somewhere around 50.
Since clearance rates are often considered to be a gauge of police competence,
ongoing declines are often
perceived as symptomatic of inadequacies within law enforcement agencies.
However, this interpretation may not fully capture the complexities of contemporary crime.
For one thing, statistics indicate that in the 1960s,
there was a higher incidence of domestic homicides than today.
Such crimes are typically more straightforward to resolve, but modern-day homicides
are more frequently crimes in which the assailant is unknown to the victim.
Furthermore, more homicides today involve firearms, a type of homicide
that typically leaves less evidence behind for investigators than close-range assaults do.

 Another plausible explanation for the change in crime clearance rates
could be related to reforms within the justice system.
First, the astonishingly high clearance rates of the 1960s have raised suspicions
that the statistics were at least to some degree manipulated.
Furthermore, a landmark 1966 Supreme Court ruling called Miranda v. Arizona acknowledged
that when interrogated by the authorities, suspects were entitled to have an attorney present
and to refuse to respond if they feel that doing so may somehow incriminate them.
According to some experts, clearance rates fell by at least 15 percent in the wake of the ruling,
indicating that the ability of authorities to obtain confessions
and secure convictions through unethical means may have been
hindered by the court’s decision.

 The aforementioned explanations, however, do not fully account for the phenomenon.
Many critics point out that another factor is likely to be related to negative perceptions
in local communities toward law enforcement agencies.
Accusations of unresponsiveness and incompetence, often due to lack of resources,
training deficiencies, or inappropriate attitudes held by law enforcement personnel,
have fostered a climate of severe skepticism
regarding the competence of the police and their ability to apprehend offenders.
This is said to have brought about a reluctance to engage with the police
that undermines investigative efforts, making citizens hesitant to step forward
with crucial evidence when homicides are committed.
Furthermore, individuals are more likely to retaliate against others in their community,
particularly in the case of gang-related violence, leading to even more homicides.
Such a situation impedes the police’s ability to solve cases,
perpetuating a cycle of diminished crime clearance rates.
If criminals think they are more likely to get away with a homicide,
the decline in clearance rates could also negatively impact deterrence.
As a result, many police departments are making efforts to engage with
their communities, introducing new crime-investigation technologies,
requesting more substantial budgets, and devoting more resources to both prevention
and investigation of homicides.
問29 Question:
What is one reason that homicide clearance rates may not be an accurate measure of police competence?

答え: ( 29)
(1) The criteria that are used to determine whether a homicide has actually been solved have changed greatly.
(2) The total number of homicides that are being committed today is much higher than it was in the past.
(3) It is possible that homicides that occur today have become more difficult to solve than homicides of the past.
(4) Police departments shifted their focus to different types of crimes because homicides are so difficult to solve.
問30 Question:
What does the author of the passage imply about the justice system in the 1960s?

答え: ( 30 )
(1) The sudden increase in the number of attorneys nationwide had a major effect on homicide clearance rates.
(2) It is possible that law enforcement personnel were violating the rights of suspects in order to solve crimes.
(3) Better cooperation between law enforcement agencies and the courts could be a reason for the higher homicide clearance rates then.
(4) Authorities seem to have been less likely to seek confessions from those accused of crimes than the authorities of today are.
問31 Question:
It is possible that the decline in homicide clearance rates has had the effect of (1) or (2) or (3) or (4)

答え: ( 31 )
(1) making citizens lose faith in the ability of law enforcement agencies to keep them safe and reducing criminals’ fear of being caught.
(2) lowering the morale of law enforcement personnel so that they become less motivated to solve crimes like homicides.
(3) making governments less willing to provide law enforcement agencies with the resources that they require to do their work properly.
(4) causing large numbers of ordinary citizens to think that levels of crime have gone up more than they actually have.
 
次の英文を読み、(32)から(35)の各質問に最も適切なものを、1~4 の中から一つ選びなさい。
 
Otto von Bismarck and the Birth of Germany

 In the aftermath of the dramatic collapse of the Holy Roman Empire
during the Napoleonic Wars of the early nineteenth century,
the political landscape of Central Europe underwent a profound transformation.
The territories that had composed the once-mighty empire eventually evolved
into a diverse coalition of thirty-nine
German-speaking kingdoms, free cities, and other states known collectively
as the German Confederation.
Although there was significant interest in the concept of forming a German nation,
fragmentation and discord within this new alliance meant
that achieving a cohesive state remained elusive for many decades.

 In the 1860s, however, the shrewd statesman Otto von Bismarck
became the prime minister of Prussia, a German kingdom
that competed with Austria for dominance in the German Confederation.
During his early days in politics, the conservative Bismarck had held deep-seated apprehensions
that unification would lead to the demise of Prussia’s identity,
and he had thus accepted Austria’s prevailing supremacy within the German Confederation.
With the passage of time, though, Bismarck came to consider Prussia’s deference
to Austria humiliating and feared his nation would lose its standing within the region.
He eventually became the leading advocate of unification,
embracing a vision of a new German state dominated by Prussia.

 Bismarck was a practitioner of what is known as realpolitik,
a pragmatic approach to diplomacy and statecraft that focuses on strategic objectives
and national interest at the expense of ideological and ethical considerations.
Bismarck repeatedly demonstrated his mastery of realpolitik in his efforts to achieve
his political objectives.
First, upon taking power, Bismarck found himself in conflict with the liberal majority
in the lower house of Prussia’s legislature over issues related to the nation’s military budget.
He soon realized, however, that a diplomatic dispute with Denmark had potential
as both a distraction from the budget issue and a means to advance
the cause of German unification.

 At the time, Denmark was attempting to incorporate a section of Schleswig-Holstein,
a member of the German Confederation, into its territory.
Though even the Prussian monarch admitted
that his nation had no legitimate claims on Schleswig-Holstein,
Bismarck saw an opportunity to exploit outrage regarding Denmark’s actions
among members of the German
Confederation, and he launched a successful military campaign
that wrested control of it from Denmark, expanding both Prussian territory and influence.

 Two years later, Bismarck again utilized realpolitik, isolating rival Austria diplomatically
to allow Prussia to go to war with it without bringing powers
like France and Russia into the conflict.
This second Prussian triumph allowed Prussia to annex more territory
and relegated Austria to the status of a second-rate state
that was so focused on internal issues that it was no longer a threat.
In the wake of the conflict, the North German Confederation,
a relatively unified collection of twenty-two states, was formed,
with Prussia playing a dominant role.
Both these actions served to increase popular support for the formation of a German state
and undermine liberal opposition to Prussia’s military expansion.

 While the North German Confederation was an important step toward unification,
it could not become a reality without the southern German states,
which were hesitant to enter into a political union.
Bismarck, however, realized
that the southern German states’ treaties specifying military cooperation
with Prussia could be manipulated to overcome their reluctance.
Therefore, he utilized realpolitik again, resorting to purposely inflaming tensions
with France, the common enemy of the German states.
He did so by crafting a diplomatic incident, selectively modifying key phrases
and omitting context in an important diplomatic telegram,
deliberately provoking outrage in France, all the while insisting
that he was doing his utmost to avoid conflict.
The telegram caused the French emperor Napoleon III to initiate hostilities with Prussia,
proving once again Bismarck’s aptitude for diplomatic manipulation.

 The southern German states came to the aid of Prussia’s North German Confederation,
and France was soundly vanquished.
The combination of Bismarck’s superb political maneuvering
and the three armed conflicts that had brought
unity to the once-fragmented German-speaking territories
finally resulted in German unification in 1871.
The ceremony, however, took place at the Palace of Versailles, near Paris,
rather than in Berlin, which had been the capital of Prussia.

 According to historian Katja Hoyer, formalizing the unification within the borders
of any German state would have fomented envy and resentment among the others.
Furthermore, she argues that the choice to hold it in the nation
that it had just defeated reflected the fact that military struggle had been
at the core of Germany’s formation.
This led to a situation where,
she writes, “the maintenance of national unity required a diet of conflict.”
Historians like Hoyer argue that Bismarck’s utilization of armed conflict
to cement German unification set a precedent for future German politics,
embedding a reliance on military prowess and strategic maneuvering
as key elements of German identity that would have tragic consequences
when they contributed to the outbreak of World War I some forty years later.
問32 Question:
How did Otto von Bismarck’s ideas about Austria change?

答え: ( 32 )
(1) He began to see that cooperating with it on a temporary basis could be the key to achieving a united German nation.
(2) He realized that for the German Confederation to succeed, Austria would need to become a member.
(3) He came to believe that Prussia could not tolerate Austria being more powerful because it hurt Prussian pride and could weaken it politically.
(4) He formed the opinion that Prussia needed to be less aggressive toward Austria in order to preserve peace.
問33 Question:
Which of the following is an example of Bismarck’s use of realpolitik?

答え: ( 33 )
(1) Although Prussia did not have a valid claim on Schleswig-Holstein, Bismarck began a war over it in order to improve his political position.
(2) Bismarck intentionally angered other members of the German Confederation due to the demands of Prussia’s monarch.
(3) Against the wishes of other European nations, he helped to improve the position of Austria within the North German Confederation.
(4) He deceived other German states about what their role in the new North German Confederation would be.
問34 Question:
Bismarck ensured that the southern German states would participate in German unification by (1) or (2) or (3) or (4)

答え: ( 34 )
(1) convincing them that the treaties they had signed with Prussia were not sufficient to protect them if they were attacked by France.
(2) demonstrating that his country had such a powerful military that they had nothing to fear if they aligned themselves with Prussia.
(3) making them believe that Prussia’s treaty with France was actually highly unfavorable to their interests.
(4) tricking France into attacking Prussia so that their alliances would cause them to join the fighting on Prussia’s side.
問35 Question:
According to Katja Hoyer, the fact that the ceremony for German unification was held at Versailles (1) or (2) or (3) or (4)

答え: ( 35 )
(1) reflects the commonly held idea at the time that the peace between Germany and France would be a longlasting one.
(2) demonstrates that there remained a lack of harmony among the states making up Germany that would create serious problems in the future.
(3) is evidence that Bismarck actually had the best interests of the southern German states in mind when he unified Germany.
(4) shows that Bismarck failed to understand how much holding the ceremony there would affect Germany’s future relations with France.